OC'C<IJIIJnll/ Papers

Sharma, udhindru1994 " Ho w the Cre cent Fares in Nepal ." pp . 5-40. Himal;

Volume 7. Number 6. Novcmbcr/Dec'mbcr 1994

Suresh Dhakal

fI~ ne imp rtant i infi rmal ultural in titution that regulates all theW fun lion. feas , aOO fesu I f the Magars f we t epa) iBheja that affcc aim 1 ev ry sphere f their day-to-day life.Allhough there e: i IS a signifi ant cthn graphi literature on theMagars otherv i c. il hal n \ 'r been highlighted 0 far. Thi articleintends to ontribute a lilli e in that direction :

Put briefly, 811 ifa, which rdinatc various ritual of theMagar Community, h lp t tabli sh and maintain the ornmunity\ ith a certain y tern of produ ti n aOO enabl it to intern tharmoniou Iy \ ith nature. Ritual ', like the whole culture of whi hthey fonn a pan. have th ir economic aspects as well the ecol ogi .alones and thi ritual may he co nsidered a typi al way of the Magar wayof adapting to their envir nrnent .

This anal)' is and interpretation of 811 oja i primarily guidedby the fa to delineated by Rappap rt's propo ition in his recognizedwork Ritual Regulation oj Environmental Relations among a J ell'Guinea People. He propose: thai mo st of the functional tudies frel igious beh vie rs in anthropology have as an analytical goal theelucid ation of events, processes, or relatio nships occ urring with in a'soc ial unit ' of so me so rt. Th i 'soc ial unit' i. not alway we lldefined , but in so me cases it appears 10 be ..... a co ngregatio n, a grou pof people who particip ate toge ther in the performance of religiou sritual s" .

As Rapp aport believed and qu led , the following statement byHornans ( 194 1: (72) represents fairly the dom inant line ofant hro pological though1 co ncerning the functi ons of re ligious rit ua l.According 10 him, ' ritual ac tions ' do 11 0 t produce a practical result onthe externa l world - that is one reaso n for calling them ritua l. But tomake th is uatem cnt is ' no t to say that ritu al has no functi on '. Itsfun cti on is not related l the world ex terna l to the soci ety but to the'interna l co n titution of the oc icty' . It gives the member of thesociety confidence; it also dispe ls their anx ietie ; it di ciplin es theirso cial orga nizatio n,

•

Langue 'e Issues in Nepal. Kathman du: amdan Btarioners

"Ethmcity and N:uional Integration in I Inca," pp. 669­676. Political Dewdi/pmi'nl and octal Chan e. eco nded iti n. edited by Jas on L Fin ' lind Richard \ . Ga le .

ew Y rk; John Wile} Sons.

epalma Ianajati Sam syako Sumadhan: RCI tn v I Alm~ .

I imava I Sthaniya Swashashan ( oluti n 10 the ErhniProblem in lepal: Right 10 Seli-Detcrminan on ?r • elf. Rule) :pp. 9- 14. Ia naj ati AII'a}. umber . Akhll . I epal ~ najau

ammelan, Kendriya Sangarhan anuu (It:X I 111 epali ).

lion I Co mmiuee for the lruernational Year \ 1993):\ rid ' Indigenous Peopl . 'epal 'C IY Ip· , ' )

Country Paper nn Indigenous People: 0 epal prepared nlhe oc a-ion o f U "s Wor ld tbe Confe rence n Il urna nRights in Vienna. Austria. Jun e 14-25 .

Wall' rem, Immanuel1971

Toba, uey hi1992

Th pa, P ri199

40 S /Jllilk"l:llhcliI "I' (j SlmIC~IC CI/I//II'<11 C"'"'I'lIli"" 41

Bheja is an organized body to gain some social goal eventhough there is no vertical hierarchy to he achieved among themembers. Moreover, Its existence allows the social/culturalanthropologists to explore and extract the facts about Bheja.

Since this article is about one specific cultural tradition of theMagars, it will he relevant to highlight the Magars in brief. Magarshave been recognized as simple, polite, honest, brave, and sacrificialin nature. As one of the most numerous indigenous groups of thecountry, they hold a significant place It1 terms of population

compos iuon ..:: considered to he the indigenous people of thc IX/llUi

Magarat' (Iitcrally, the twelve regions of the Magarx). But. nowadaysthey have become so widely scattered that they an: not new to anyother place or group within Nepal. The outside world, however. cameto know of Magars only after the British began recruiting soldiers inNepal for their Gurkha regiment. Wherever and whatever the conditionthey may he in. they love to maintain their cultural identity. Forinstance, if asked what makes them a distinct social group, the moretraditional/older among them arc probably likely to reply that it is thepossession of their own language. religion. folklore or custom. 111eyounger ones try to regard their group identity 1Il light of thecontribution made bv their forefathers in the process of national

integration." The Ml:gars are Mongoloid in appearance and speak aTibcto-Burrnan dialect. Their economy is subsistcntial, primarilybased on agriculture. which is practiced only for survival. Aconsiderable amount of grain they produce is spent in making joa.! andraksi (locally brewed heel' and liquor). They lU'C very fond of jut andraksi, and consider these an inseparable part of their life. Recruitmentin the British and Indian army has always remained a center ofattraction for most. if not all the, young Magars, and they arc wellrecognized for their sacrificial spirit and bravery among the armies.Employment in foreign army is much sought alter for both status andfinancial reasons, even hy the relatively prosperous individuals of thecommunity.

'0,'h-atever controversy there may be about their position in theHindu caste ladder (or debate on their Hindu identity). they considerthemselves Hindus. Some also claim that they arc Buddhists (Bista:Hirnal 5: 10). However, they arc divided into hundreds of sub-castes(Sharma 049: 279; Baral 050: 28). But there is no hierarchicalstratification among them and all arc [reared equally (Baral 050: 30).Politically, militarily, and socially, they occupied a high position inthe social scale in the past, hut now are suffering from a certaininferiority complex. In this context, Bista is of the opinion thatBahuns arc to be blamed for it (Bista: Himal 052: 10). Recently, some

of them who are working for upliftrncnt of the group claim that theyan: aim ing to gain their 'lost' status. 111<: Magars. who carry thelegacy of both thc rulers and subjects, have developed some of theirown specific cultures. which is heavily influenced hy their subsistencepattern and exploitative technology or vice versa. Even today, one canobserve many such traditions that still exist. Bheja is one prominentexample of such specific tradition which helps to keep the communityintact and functioning.

ORGANIZAnON

Bheja is a colloquial term." which resembles Guthi of the Ncwars, III

its religious functions, and Dhikuri of the Thakalis in its economicfunctions. However, there arc significant differences. too. While theother two traditions have been studied and analyzed in detail. Blieiaremains a novel theme for study. No etymological meaning of Bhejaexists in the Magar and Nepali languages. It LS, therefore, a

painstaking task to trace out its origin and development." During thestudy period in the field, no one was found who could spcci ficallytrace its origin and historical course of development. They rathertended to refer to times unknown on the origin of the communityitself. This ignorance do..:s not mean that it has a rudimentaryexistence among them. They arc rather deeply attached to it. In fact. itIS so deeply rooted in their lifestyles that it seems difficult for them toconfine it to a single dcfiniuon. Bheja is Bheja and may mean manythings. As a matter of fact, they can not even think of their life in itsabsence, Thus, the tradition I swell established and accepted althoughstill sans a rigorous definition.

There may he more than one Bheja in n single communitycluster and a single Bheja may include more than one cluster. The sizeof the Bheja may differ according to the size of the cluster and anygeographical and other forms of disparities. Each and every householdof the cluster is supposed to be a member. No specific quality orcriterion has to he fulfilled to become a member. hut exclusion leadsto social ostracrsm, a pariah status. A member may he suspended,purged, or excluded if he docs not attend pooja.\· (worship) without aserious reason and if he docs not agree to abide by its rules andregulations.

Certain Bhejas may allow even the non-Magars to becomemembers, including the untouchable households of the same and aneighboring cluster if the Magars are dominant and others are inminority, but they have definitely more limited roles than the Magarsmay have. Thus, invited members can neither be the Mukhiya (thechairperson) nor a Pujari (the priest). Nevertheless, it is not like any

42 Occasional PaIN''-s S Dilllkil I"Hluj<l 1/.1'"Slrulcgli Cultur«! C(!!}lmr"'JI 4:1

ethnocentric institution or organization which raises voice for ethnicsovereignty and caste purity. Generally, an aged and respected malemember of the community is the chairman. Called Mukhiva, he isselected by a meeting of the members of the Bhe]« after the demise ofthe previous one, and is no more than a titular figure. It seems aformal role which docs not differ much from the role of othermembers, However. he chairs the meetings and plays a key role inmaking some concrete decisions. His presence and suggestions arcexpected in all meetings. Sometimes. he even orders members to carryout some speci fie jobs. But. he docs not enjoy any particular right orprivilege. In the various poojas (worships) performed, a Pujari (priest)is also needed, who is generally called Kuwara or Kumar (an unmarriedlad).

Around the last month of every year, there is a special Bhejaevent - Susupak Bheja - which works ~1, a general assembly of theorganization. No household would miss the occasion. This is the timewhen the rules and regulations ,U\~ made. corrected or revised; wages.meat price. ard other important mailers nrc discussed and decided forthe year following; and the Mukhiva is selected. if necessary.Therefore they call it riti-thiti basalne Bheja (norm-establishingBhejai. In some areas it is also known us Chandi Bheja. when villagemailers arc discussed at length. Abolition of old customs and practicesand adoption of new ones consutute its central tasks (Baral. OSO; 124).

FUNCTION

There arc no formal, specific rules regulating and binding the varioussocial functions that Bhl'ja serves. Yet one common rule is that anydecisions regarding religious activities (such ,1, annual poojasi andsocial, agricultural celebrations (for instance, natlcv: an off day) arctaken at the Bheja meetings. Primarily, it functions to maintain andmodify the cultural traditions. social order, and the system ofproduction in the changing context. These functions, however, can beviewed from different perspectives some of which have been brieflydiscussed below.

Religious Functions

Magar community is a self-perpetuating saturated community. Theyregard themselves as Hindus and some claim that they arc Buddhists,

but their religious traditions and practices indicate they arc animists.'They certainly 00 not worship idols of gods or goddesses such asVishnu. Krishna, Ram, Laxmi. or Kali. as other Hindus do. Ratherthey worship their ancestors in one or other forms. Baje-Bajai Pooja,Parange pooja, Beskang Bajaipooja, Manduli Baje-Bajai Pooja, Panch

Kaliya Mai Pooja, Ball Ihankri pooja arc forms of their ancestralworship Every such pooja has a legend directly related to the historyof their forefathers. They believe that if they do not worship properlyand are unable to appease the ancestral sprits, disaster may follow.Therefore they arc loyal to their ancestors and worship them withdevotion and piety. Such pooja: do not require temples and specificshrines for deities. The place for the ceremony is fixed by the Bhe]aitself. Generally, they choose a hill-top nearby, in the middle of theforest where CUlling timber and livestock grazing is banned. Areasaround such places remain densely green. 'The system therefore hasacquired a certain 'convcrvauonist color", a belief system which is aform of their ecological adaptation. Sacri ficcs of pigs. male buffaloes.goats, ,uKI fowls arc necessary lor all such poojas except ill PanchKanva Ma! Poo]a where slaughtering of pigs is not permitted but livedifferent kinds of animals ,U1l[ fowls are slaughten,o. called P({I1C/Ui

Bali.They also worship the sun. river, tree, snake. and earth as gods

and goddesscs. This appears ,LS their way to maintain a closerelationship with nature. Poojas of ancestors and nature take placeseasonally and. often. also annually. R/uja manages and makes ail thearrangements for poojas which arc performed on some particular daysof the various seasons, Tl1 arrange pooja, a meeting is called to fix thedate arxl asxign roles and duties to members. For poo]« they do notemploy any outsider or high caste priest. Rather they select anunmarried boy from their own community. Certain special functions.such as prayers for sol iciting blessing, are. however, performed bythe Mukhiv«.

Agricultural Functions

Another signi ficant cultural practice of the community is Nutley. aday when people do not work outside the house. specially on the farm,ThIS system prevails in other communities. too. hut it is morecommon among the Magurs. The day differs from place to place andIrorn group to group. since It is fixed by Bheja. Often. Poornima, thefull moon day, IS observed as the day of Natley or it is Aunsi. the newmoon.day. In some areas they simply select Monday or Wednesday.

In the past. outsiders and strangers were prohibited to enter thevillage and villagers to go outside on the day of Natlev. The defaulterswere penalized. On such a day Bheja (i.c., a man assigned by Bheja. inmost or the cases. the Mukhivai offers dhup (incense) to Bhumi (theearth), called Main Dhare

The local people interpret Nalley in their own ways. It allowspeople and their oxen rest after a long tiring agricultural work and

44 S. Dhilkal:Hhe)/l as /I Strategic Cultura! COl/veil/ion 45

gives them time to spend with their own family. Such regularmeetings make social interaction also possible.

Most of the agricultural works arc done by what goes hy thename of Parima (reciprocal exchange of labor), and sometimes by atemporarily formed labor group known as Bhaijeri (or Hom in certainareas). Thus formed labor groups arc regulated by Bheja and are notoffered any wage except two meals and drinks (Baral 050: 58). Wagelabor is not considered a prestigious job and only the landless peopleare invol vcd in it for their livelihood. Bheja fixes the date for work inthe field and all households get an opportunity to OJ their workproperly on time and according to their need. Bheja, of course, was notstarted for such farm work. But it can now fix and even revise thewage for labor. The Magars therefore (Xl not lace lahor crisis duringthe peak farming seasons.

Economic Significance

Although Bheja does not operate any particular economic activitydirectly, its direct influence can he seen in the various decisions thatdirectly or indirectly affect the economy of both the Magar village andits individuals.

Bheja performs Important management functions by fixing theprice of sacrificial meat which is to he charged from the memberhouseholds. For example, if the price' of pork is 40 rupees per kg atone Bheja and Rs. 50 per kg in the next one, and if the member of thelatter one wants to buy the pork form the former one. he pays Rs. 50,not Rs. 40. In some cases, such meat is not sold to the outsiders orthose who arc not the members of thc body.

Since the area is densely populated by Magars and they needsuch animals at the time of pooja. it sometimes becomes necessary toprocure animals from other communities. Some Bhejas have startednow rearing animals for sacrifice. For this purpose, a certain amountof money is collected from every member household to huy piglets.An indigent member household. which can not huy and rear its ownanimal, is given the piglets for rearing. The sacrificial pork isdistributed among all the member households. TIle price of the porkthus fixed is often considerably lower than the one prevailing in themarket. Half of such money goes to the household which reared thepigs and, with the other hall', the piglets are bought for the futurepooja. Apart from the economy it hrings, the system also solves theproblem of scarcity of sacrificial animals.

Although every member household does not keep fowls andgoats, they need them at the time of pooja. They then prefer to buythem from the members of the same Bheja. which encourages some of

them to rear such animals as a major source of income. Thus themarket is also ensured for sale of the livestock raised.

Now some of the Bhejas of the study area have started raisinglevy from member households. The money collected is lent out to themembers with an interest, to be refunded when another member needsthat money for some serious occasion. such as death, serious illness.or accident. Part of the money is used to buy household items such ass.ccl plates, jars, jugs, kachauras, cups to drink j(Jod, and cookingutensils, utilized at the time of feasts and other rituals. When not inuse, they are rented. Individual loans arc also offered to fellow­members. In this way, Bheja is also taking on the form of a local self­help hank.

Resource Management

Bheja is one appropriate way of community management of publicresource. In many rural areas, consumer groups have been formed forresource utilization and management. But keen competition for scarceresources has brought failure of such groups, even social conflicts.The Magar community is an exception in this context. Decisions arcmade and implemented on the hasis of consensus of the members, 'Theactions, fines, and punishments, taken against those who violate therules and regulations, arc all determined by Bheja.

Khoria (the slash-and-hurn mode of agriculture), a part of thetraditional farming system of the Magar people, is applied to theslopes of the government forest. They cut down small trees, slashhushes. and hum them so that they provide nutrients to the crops.This also prevents weeds and wild plants from growing. In most ofthe area, such a practice has now been banned for various reasons.However, in periods of drought and shortfalls in production caused byhai Istorms, floods, and pests, the community allows Khoriacultivation, for it is then the best alternative for deficit foodmanagement. However. no wanton slashing and burning is permitted.The issues decided by Bheja on such occasions arc collective in nature:who is in severe need and which part of the forest is to be used for thepurpose. Often those who cultivate Khoria land must offer a part ofthe grain harvested or money as rent or sherma to the Bheja. If,however, Khoria is done on a private those, sherma is paid to theowner.

Activities such as construction and repainnent of irrigationcanals, roads, and trails are taken up by the people according to thedecisions taken in the Bheja meetings. In managing commonproperty, Bheja thus plays a quite effective role.

()uusiol1111 F'apers

Nutrition

Since the geo-climatic conditions or the agricultural space occupied hyMagar territory 0:.) not favor high-yield cultivation, they practicesubsistence agriculture and grow only a few vegetables. A considerableamount of the grain they produce. moreover, goes into distilling jasdand raksi. This adversely effects their nutritional intake which isohvi.o,u,'ily low. But the frequent pooja rituals partly make up for theirnutritional deficiency since these ceremonies ensure a continuoussupply of animal protein and other nutrients from the animals andfowls slaughtered. On such OCCJSiOIl:-:, younger children arc treatedwith wel,l-cooked pork to let them take wciphr. Plumpness in thecommunity IS held to he synonymous with health.

Dispute Mediation

In ordinary circumstances, when some dispute arises among themembers of the conuuunity (or between itx members &KJ outsiders),the case is taken up hy the kins of the panics in conflict. When theyfail, the case is referred to the Mukluva of the Hhrja. If his decision isacceptable to neither party, the ,case is put before a puhlic assemblycalled by the Bheju. It L'i a practice which is still quite popular (BaralOSO: 50). Discus-nun follows on various aspects of the issue and finesand compensations are set by that gathering. Till recently, the moneythus ~ollected went !nto drinking parties or, else, the disputant groupsused. It up. Most 01 the conjugal disputes such LL'i elopement, forcedmarriage, and jaari (compensation money paid by the abductor of awoman to her previous husband) are solved hy the Bheja.

Community Solidarity

Bheja als.o serv~s ,-~n integrative role in Magar society hy fosteringcommu,nlty ~olI~anty and social consensus. It gives the communitythe feeling ot a single extended family.

The real significance of the institution becomes evident oncritical social occasions. At the time of marriage and other socialceremonies, for instance, it helps in the performance of specific tasksand ceremonial functions.

When, moreover, someone from a member household dies,~thers extend t1~eir helping hand to the grieving family, join in thefuneral. procession and death rituals. During the thirteen days ormourning (teru din kriva bosnes. the' member households visit thedeceased family with a mana (about 1/2 kg) of hulled rice and one ..rupee, which is used on the thirteenth day of mourning (tcraunv. On

I

s. DIll1ku1.Blwfll us (I Strategic Cultural Convention 47

that day, the members and others arc invited to partake of the feastcalled Sudhvain.

They also help each other at the time of happier occasions likemarriage. chewar, and pooja. when families. relatives, andacquaintances assemble for help and celebration,

Entertainment

On a p()(~ja day, the member households do not work in the fields. Thefamily members and their relatives arc expected to be at home or theplace of pooja to celebrate. Drinking joad and raksi and merry-making,jokes, and laughter arc common. Young boys and girls gather ingroups for dancing and singing contests. Dances vary according to theoccasion and season. Sometimes such groups go door to door dancingand singing, hut most ·of the time they gather in a common place, likerodi. and sing and dance throughout the night. Even the elderlymembers. both male and female, participate.

On such occasions women and children appear quite active. Allthe arrangements inside the house arc basically done by women whohave a hectic schedule preparing foods and drinks and exchangingpahnr. the gift. Some women also participate in pooja.

CRITIQUE

Bheia. however, is not without its problems. Some may perceive in itthe scope for raising communal feelings and social conflict with otherjats (caste groups). It can certainly become a place for articulation andaggregation of their ethnic passions, where they can he more sensitiveabout their communal identity. Since all social functions arc generallydetermined and monitored hy the Rheja, it may also be hindering thegrowth of modem institutions. In certain cases, Rheja also seems tobe bypassing the official institutions, sueh as the VDC, court, police,etc. Above all, it has drawn fire from the non-Magars for the waste ofmoney it causes on various rituals. Some 'higher caste' people are ofthe opinion that rituals have impoverished quite a few Magars.Children arc held back from schools, for social merry-making.

After thc restoration of the multiparty system, politicizauonhas set in also in this traditional institution which is showing partisantrends. Some cider persons arc therefore genuinely worried over theprospects of an increase in social strife and community disintegration.

CONCLUSION

Although Bheja performs regular religious tasks of thecommunity, it has a broader impact on the overall activities andfunctioning of the Barha Mogarcu and has become one inseparable part

48 OCCl/s;(l1l111 Paper.s " Dllclktll :Hhl'jl/ I/ J II Stratcgu: ClIIWI'II1Convention 49

propertyets up

I'm /' .' ,' 11 11 11 1:" /,/11 ,, 11/ S" l'itl/ Lilt' . SeleclcO Essay s uf Fre dri kBarth .

ESBarth. Fretlrik1981

grateful 10 Pan Thapa lind Dal Bahadur Ran a I lagnr fo r providing val uable

information,2. cco rdrng 10 the 1:11 <:51 da tu of the c rural Bureau u f Staustics ICB ) If His

Maje slY' s Government IH:-IG1. 7 ,24 pen: mt. i.c., 1.'39.30, . o f tbe • e pale .epeo ple belong 10 the :'Iag:lr conuuunuy of whi ch 3:!.0.- pe rcent speak Magar

language their mol her longue3. The hill regio n 0 Rapu , Lumbuu . and Bben zo ne are collectivelj known .IS

BUTlw M., '",111 • nd :\I, g:m. an: un idcred 10 be the pionee r sculers of Ihls

area.4. When Prithvr I arayan • hah, the I rher f modem 'cpaJ, in the t7:0s.

con olida rcd the many JlClI . lingd )ffi'; scattered across the land . he o untedheavll) upon Iu • l:Ig r . oldlc . lhe nly Tibet o-Burrnan group among 11,,::people in he :m n) rh ' TS " re Bahun . ' hasas. and Thakuris ( L Still r,

1967 1

Jim Ka ata 111 hi.term b1I i ll khrln n the I of h ' fieldwork d ne in Tbak .hola region 111

195' Ac on.Jin: 10 hun. lhe phra C refer. 10 an ar cher. COOlest. He wruesl p -' J. " O n Fcbruar) 29. I \\ b1lrjll II II/r o f the ahabet villagers in

fallow padd . fields, In lhe: autumn of 195• . I . \\ :I similar archery con text in

a Thak h \ illag c 10 the 1 ha khola cconling 10 !he villagers o f Syang, lhe)hale an rcbery c nl I I r ' n lhe day f tbe testival Kuni ChMjL beld on afull n n day of Ph I un In rh 0: cmng , Ihe) drink liquor and bo os dan e.

while women an: the audience BUI when I mqurred about thi to the peopleof III, SlUd ) area n no: o f Ih '11\ new about this and of traditi n amo ng themand inlon ncd Ih~1 therr cuhun: and the culture 01 Lek:U1 M:Igars (the Magarsof High ltitudc] tbe Kham • tagars, differ tremendously" (cf :\ Iolnar. : 2_

in " sra High Land ( ICUI:' '', ed James Fi her I6, When the S:II11': query was pUI before ~IP D~I Ii Rana : Iagar o f Palpa, he

noted that the pm lice o f Bltt'jl/ indi cmes Ihal /l.lagars wc r.: Ih.. sys h:mat icrulers of Ill.: pa: I The pracuc e can be ce n as o ne of Ihe surviv ing legaclcso f Ihe pasl , l.lgar .ld mil1lSlraliu n

7. Accordmg 10 R. Rhusan , (DUII/Illt/n'lI) '"ci"I(}.~.~·, 1984 1. Ihe lerm 'ani mis m'was used fo r lhe behel Ihal III ObJCCIS, bolh :mullat.: and inanimate . ar epcrmaneml y or lempomrily inlmhll ed by spin ts or so uls, The spirits havc beenconcc ived o f as hcmgs wilh :m CX I. tencc dislin ct from . and therefore capableof. slIrviving Ih dealh or de.lructiou of . Ihe persons. animals . planls. o robjec ts Ihey inhabil. Oftcn all aClivili<:5 h:lve been be lieved 10 be ca used by

Ihesc spirits. s lIa lly, Ihe re has bee n al. a a beli ef in Ihe existence o f Ihespiritual he ings with powers llver the Iivcs of men . Th e spiril inhabi lingobje cls of nalllru as well as them: in Ihc spiri l wo rld may be worshippe d o rtreated with fe ar ancl/or respeci . III faci. E.B. Ty lor has main laincd lhat

anullis l1l migh t he mall\ earl iesl form of religio n.

REFERE

I . T he inforl nalio n (111 which Ihe arti cle is based wa s co liecleJ du ring lhefieldwo rk condllcled belwe.:n January and April in 1994 iu a VD of ellSlernI'alpa, unde rlakcn fo r Ihe completioll of Ihe fl,l aster ' s degree d isse rtucion,

Late r, Ihe wo rk was followed up duri ng the nexl field visil in Jul y· August

1994 for Co ml1mnily Dispule Medialion Study funtled hy Ihe Asia Ptnmdalillll.Kmh mandll. T he information prescnted here in Ihis papcr was collecledthrough inlerviews and part icipant obscrvnlion methods.111nnks arc due 10 Dr. Gnnesh Man Gurung, lIe.ad of Ihc Depallment and Dr,

K.B, Bhllllachan for their helpful commenls and silggL'Stiolls . The author is

NOTE

of the Magar life there. Primarily, it help to maintain social integrityof the community through various functions and keeps it culturalidentity alive.

It . upplie animal protein to the members f the icty;create the market for the local live tock, uch as goats. pig , ctc.:rnak the arrangement required for entertainment: real' th forumfor ci tizen interaction : foster ' mutual help and respeer; and fa .ilitarcsthe pr ce: of ialization.

Bheja al fixes the labor wage, arrange ommonmanagement (e.g .. fore t resource management . andmechanism for mediating cornrnunitj dispute .

II arch function ', however. need a good flov of inform ti nand c mmunication. Bheja fulfill thi community n :d. The flow finform tion i . .enti I not only for fulfilling uch rol but I 0 fI rthe pr of 0 erall development, espc iallv, u uainabledevcl prnem in the pre. em-day context.

Recently. however. Bheja has tended 10 fragment into : maller­. ized group of fi fteen to twelve hou ehold . A household in such acondition can cas il. enter into a new Bheja in case a e puLion froman old one. Thi i beginning to effect it traditional function ,particularly bccau e r increasing politiciza tion and partisanship. Theinst ituti n i therefore growing weaker, specifically in theman. gcrnent of community resources and mediation of communitydi. putes. The steady inroads of market economj have further dilutedit capacity. People are today more intere ted in ne and importedcultural norms and values. owada•. the lagars are trying to breakdown the harriers and boundaries of tradition and culture in theirpursuit of growth and modernization. The 0 erall con 'quence ifragmentation :llId weakening of Blteja.

All, however, i not lost yet. Revival and renovation can stillput IXlck life into thi ' time-honored institution. NGO. l INGOs l:anplaya key rok in a proper reassessment and restructllring of the IJhejain the new developmcntal contexL of the approaching 21st century,

50 S. Dhukal.Bheju us tI Strategic Cultural Convenuon 51

Barnl. Ke hnr Jung20 () (lJ.. .)

Bhu han . B19 <)

Palpa. Tunahu ra Syallgjd ku MlIgtlrllt/rukll (/IIJkr iuKathmandu : Royal I 'cpa! Acad Ill} .

0 , 1//I11a')' 0 1 Sociologv • ew Deihl : namol Publi all n

Singh.M.B.2049 (BS)

Stiller. Ludwig F1967

Clutr Dushak. (Fo ur Decades . Go rakhpur: Jan a ah ityuPrak han .

Til ,1,111 n The Peop! "1N {l<JI. 1 '16-1 19. Kathmandu:. ,h) gl I'r:i · han

BI . I Dor Bahadur1971 1', 111'1, I~r 'epal (2nd ediuon )

Bhundar.uhrnandu . Ratn Po tak Uday, G . 1 (ed. )

199 Junajau Lahar , I ugust , 199:. India,

~

1995 P0l'ulmillll fonogrnph or . '1'<,1 Kathmandu II. lG.cretariat, CB

Dhakal ure K199-1

Oi. II. Kanak 1 (cd .)

dapuve traregies f tagars' I nnthropolopcal Case ludy from K I Gand

unpublished di nation subrrun d 10

nthropology ).

Himal (HlIn:l1.ayan Iagazi ne, vari i u )Himal ( epali edition), :2:0 2 Kathmandu.

II. Eh beth . D. Parlin (ed.)1992 BU.fh Bas , ' Forest Farm . Culture; Environm III I UlJ

Deve lopm ent , Lond n: Routledge.

Ghumrc. Kn hna1992

K waakit o , J JrO197'

Miller, asper J1990

Moln al. August1911<1

Rappaport . Hoy A.1%7

Sharum. Janak Lal204' (liS )

Sh eph erd , Gar)'1992

ForUI or Farm ' 17,~ 1'l'/ilin IIJ l.and /lUI. U III epal. Deihl :Ox fold University Pres .

17" /1111 MtI!lan and 17,,,,, ' 1!lghhorr HIli PI!0I'Ir.Surrounding the Ganges Plain: Toky o Toky Um CISII}'

Pre..

DeCl."",~Mtlk;',g i ll Villl/ge I 'epal , Kathm andu .

"Eco nomic Strategies and Ec onomic Constr:unts: :lSI: of theKham Magar o f I orth West epal " , tl.! I1/ll High/WillSocieties in Anth ropologiral Persp eliI'''. (ed.) hristoph VonFurer Hairnendorf. 'ew Delhi: Sterl ing Pub, PVI. LId.

Ritual Regulation of Envinmmentul Reknions tllI/OIl1-: a NrwGuinea People.

Humro Suma]: Ek Ad/lllyatl. Kathmandu : ajha Prukashun

Lift' tllI//l1/1-: the MIt!:ltrs. Kathmandu : Snhayogi Pre. s.